La invasión de los preescolares pervertidos

La invasión de los preescolares pervertidos

Mark Steyn

¿Es la enseñanza pública norteamericana una forma de pederastia? Hace una semana, Brigid Schulte, del Washington Post, contaba que el pasado mes de noviembre un estudiante llamado Randy Castro, que asiste a una escuela de Woodbridge, en Virginia, le dio una palmada en el trasero a una compañera de clase durante el recreo. La profesora lo llevó al director. Los funcionarios del centro redactaron un parte y después llamaron a la policía.

Randy Castro está en primero. Pero, a la avanzada edad de 6 años, ha sido declarado agresor sexual por la Escuela Elemental de Potomac View. Es culpable de acoso sexual y el informe sobre el incidente permanecerá en su expediente por el resto de sus días lectivos (y quizá más allá). Tal vez sea una de esas cosas que aparecen una y otra vez en las comprobaciones de antecedentes: quizá a los 34 años Randy Castro solicite un empleo y en el ordenador de su futuro jefe aparezca de nuevo su ficha de acosador sexual. O tal vez pueda mantenerlo en secreto hasta que tenga 57 y se presente a gobernador de Virginia y su carrera política explote inesperadamente cuando los sórdidos detalles de su patología sexual se den a conocer. Pero eso es lo que es ahora: Randy Castro, agresor sexual. El título del informe expone su crimen: “Toque sexual contra estudiante, ofensivo”. La coma, extrañamente colocada, también podría considerarse ofensiva si no fuera porque los empleados del centro tienen que emplear tantas energías en combatir la epidemia de acoso sexual entre los escolares que ya no pueden permitirse perder el tiempo adquiriendo habilidades secundarias como la puntuación.

Sally Mann

Evaluación del abuso de menores

El reto de evaluar el abuso sexual

El proceso pericial puede agravar las secuelas psicológicas que sufren los niños

JOAN CARLES AMBROJO  -  Barcelona
EL PAÍS - 29-01-2008

Cuando el abuso sexual a un menor no deja huella física, el niño que supuestamente ha vivido el trance es el único testimonio que puede ayudar a esclarecer los hechos. Pero ¿son fiables las narraciones infantiles?, ¿corresponden a situaciones vividas realmente?, ¿son susceptibles de ser manipulados los niños? La dificultad que entrañan estas cuestiones hace que muchos de los niños víctimas de abusos hayan de entrar en una espiral de pruebas e interrogatorios que en ocasiones agravan las secuelas de los propios abusos. Por eso, los especialistas plantean la necesidad de mejorar las entrevistas psicológicas periciales. La prevalencia del abuso sexual infantil en España es parecida a la de otros países occidentales y se sitúa en torno al 18,9% (15,2% en niños y 22,5% en niñas), según la psicóloga de la Universidad de Barcelona Noemí Pereda. Tan sólo la Unidad Funcional de Abusos Sexuales y Maltratos al Menor (UFAM) del hospital Sant Joan de Déu de Barcelona atiende cada año unas 160 consultas en las que se sospecha que un menor ha sido víctima de abusos. “El 50% de las consultas proceden directamente de las familias, lo cual indica que hay un elevado nivel de alerta, pero también hay sospechas de abusos que luego no se confirman”, afirma Dolors Petitbó, coordinadora de la unidad especializada del hospital Sant Joan de Déu.
La tercera parte de los casos tratados en este hospital tenían una alta probabilidad de haber padecido abuso sexual. Aunque las estadísticas indican que ahora hay más denuncias de abusos sexuales intrafamiliares, Arturo Canalda, Defensor del Menor de la Comunidad de Madrid, no cree que hayan aumentado los casos. Muchas denuncias se producen en el contexto de una separación matrimonial conflictiva. El problema es cómo distinguir en qué casos, de entre los denunciados, se han producido realmente abusos sexuales, y para ello es decisivo el tipo de pruebas e interrogatorios que se practican.

Pornografía infantil en internet

  May, 2003

Child pornography online: myth, fact, and social control 

Book Review
Robert Bauserman

Beyond Tolerance: Child Pornography Online. By Philip Jenkins. New York: New York University Press, 2001, 253 pages. Hardcover, $22.95.

Few areas of sexual behavior arouse as much condemnation or as little critical thought as child sexual abuse, and child pornography (despite lack of a consensus definition) is often presented as the epitome of sexual abuse. Consequently, Jenkins’ book is valuable to those interested in issues of child and adolescent sexuality, sexual abuse, pornography, and sexuality on the Internet. Despite its flaws, no other comparable work exists that explores the online subculture of child pornography based on the thoughts and beliefs of the participants themselves, primarily as posted on message boards catering to individuals seeking to collect child pornography (CP) images.

Jenkins clearly states that CP images are exploitative and abusive, but manages to be (usually) calm and reasoned in discussing the nature and extent of the problem and possible responses. Jenkins is well qualified to take a levelheaded look at this online subculture. In his earlier book, Moral Panics, he documented how periods of extreme concern over sexual threats to children have occurred several times in 20th-century America, leading to exaggerated claims about prevalence and effects in order to advance social and moral agendas. Jenkins also writes that he recognizes the contradiction between his earlier exposure of such concerns as overblown, and his effort in this book to raise social concern about an authentic problem he believes is neglected.

Desarrollo sexual en la infancia

The more things change … the Kinsey Institute on child sexuality.

Fischer, Nancy L.

Sexual Development in Childhood, edited by John Bancroft. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2003, 484 pages. Cloth, $47.85.

Recently, there has been a great deal of interest in the work of Alfred Kinsey.He and his team of researchers interviewed thousands of individuals to create statistical snapshots of American sexual practices in the 1940s and 1950s. His work was met both with great interest by the general public and criticism by politicians and other prominent figures who found his research scandalous.

Within the scientific community, Kinsey was criticized on the grounds that his methodology represented flawed science; he hadn’t used appropriate sampling techniques, and therefore his description of the American population’s sexual practices could not be considered accurate. Kinsey (and other sex researchers) subsequently met obstacles in securing funding for further scientific research on sexuality because of these reactions to his work. However, his contributions to scientific knowledge about sexual practices are significant, and his program of research continues at the Kinsey Institute for Sexual Research at the University of Indiana in Bloomington.

The book Sexual Development in Childhood is the final product of a workshop on child sexuality held at the Kinsey Institute. Some of the issues addressed in this book echo themes that were relevant to Kinsey’s own work; namely the difficulty of researching sexuality in a political climate that is deeply suspicious of sexual inquiry, and the general methodological difficulties of conducting research on human sexual behavior. This volume is comprised of the papers presented at the workshop, response papers by discussants, as well as transcripts of the general discussions that followed each session. The participants were researchers from a variety of fields including psychiatrists, psychologists, sociologists, and anthropologists.

The papers and discussions are organized into a number of sections encompassing the historical context of suspicion towards scientific inquiry into child sexuality; methodological issues; new research on normal child sexual development; cross-cultural considerations; child sexual abuse effects; as well as discussions of life course theories and their relations to sexual mistreatment.

Mitos y hechos sobre los agresores sexuales

Sexual Offender Treatment, Volume 2 (2007), Issue 1

Myths and Facts about Sexual Offenders: Implications for Treatment and Public Policy

Timothy Fortney¹, Jill Levenson², Yolanda Brannon³ & Juanita N. Baker^4
1Florida Institute of Technology, ²Lynn University, ³Florida Institute of Technology, ⁴Florida Institute of Technology

 

Abstract

Aim: The purpose of this study was to determine to what extent perceptions about sexual offenders are based on empirical evidence or misconceptions.
Background: Sexual offenders have often been under the spotlight of media attention and public censure. Legislatures in the United States and abroad have passed increasingly restrictive and intrusive laws in order to protect the public from convicted sexual offenders. Sex offender policies are often passed hastily and are not based on scientific evidence but on emotional reactions to high profile, violent, disturbing cases.
Method: Data were collected in Brevard County, Florida from 192 community members and 125 sexual offenders in outpatient treatment, all of whom were surveyed regarding their knowledge about five common themes. Comparisons between groups were analyzed, as were comparisons between participants’ responses and published data.
Results: Results revealed that both sex offenders and the public overestimated the rate by which strangers victimize children, and overestimated the number of sex offenders who were victims of sexual abuse in childhood. Both offenders and the public overestimated the number of sex crimes that come to the attention of authorities. The public more extensively than offenders overestimated the frequency of sexual recidivism rates and underestimated the efficacy of sexual offender treatment in comparison to the literature.
Conclusions: Common misconceptions may interfere with offenders’ treatment and reintegration into society as well as influence legislatures to pass laws that are misguided and inefficient. Implications for policy and practice are discussed.

Key words: sex offender, public perception, sexual abuse, myths, misconceptions, public policy

¿Qué hacer con los abusadores juveniles?

How Can You Distinguish a Budding Pedophile From a Kid With Real Boundary Problems?

By MAGGIE JONES
In the early 1980s, a therapist named Robert Longo was treating adolescent boys who had committed sex offenses. Their offenses ranged from fondling girls a few years younger than they were to outright rape of young children. As part of their treatment, the boys had to keep journals — which Longo read — in which they detailed their sexual fantasies and logged how frequently they masturbated to those fantasies. They created “relapse-prevention plans,” based on the idea that sex-offending is like an addiction and that teenagers need to be watchful of any “triggers” (pornography, anger) that might initiate their “cycle” of reoffending. And at the beginning of each group session, the boys introduced themselves much as an alcoholic begins an Alcoholics Anonymous meeting: “I’m Brian, and I’m a sex offender. I sexually offended against a 10-year-old boy; I made him lick my penis three times.”
Sex-offender therapy for juveniles was a new field in the 1980s, and Longo, like other therapists, was basing his practices on what he knew: the adult sex-offender-treatment models. “It’s where the literature was,” Longo, a founder of the international Association for the Treatment of Sexual Abusers, told me not long ago. “It’s what we’d been doing.”
As it turns out, he went on to say, “much of it was wrong.” There is no proof that what Longo calls the “trickle-down phenomenon” of using adult sex-offender treatments on juveniles is effective. Adult models, he notes, don’t account for adolescent development and how family and environment affect children’s behavior. Also, research over the past decade has shown that juveniles who commit sex offenses are in several ways very different from adult sex offenders. As one expert put it, “Kids are not short adults.”

Floyd Martinson, investigador de la sexualidad infantil

(Texto extraído de Bonnie Bullough, R.N., Ph.D., Vern Bullough, R.N., Ph.D., Marilyn A. Fithian, Ph.D., William E. Hartman, Ph.D., and Randy Sue Klein, Ph.D., “How I Got Into Sex“, p. 290-296, Prometheus Books, 1997.)

Pioneer Researcher in Childhood Sexuality
Floyd M. Martinson, Ph.D.

Floyd M. Martinson is a pioneer in the study of childhood sexuality. A rural sociologist, he has taught at Gustavus Adolphus College in Minnesota for over fifty years.

I WAS BORN on November 11, 1916, and spent my childhood and adolescence on a farm in western Minnesota. I played alone much of the time, accompanied only by my dog. There were not many friends my age on neighboring farms. My closest friend didn’t have much time for play; he was expected to work all the time.

I attended Buffalo Lake open-country school, with eight grades and one teacher to teach all of them. I got to miss one class because two classes were combined to ease the teacher’s load. I always wonder what I missed that year.

When it came time to go to high school, there was a decision to be made. Kerkhoven High School was fifteen miles away, and there were no schoolbuses. Would I go to high school or would I stay home and help on the farm? I wanted to go, but it wasn’t my decision to make. These were difficult times on the farm–crops were affected by scorching heat; hot, dry winds; and lack of rainfall. It was also the time of the Great Depression, coupled with the severe drought. I remember the air was filled with dry-as-dust topsoil blowing across the fields, depositing itself like snow drifts along field fences. Great balls of tumbleweeds rolled across the dry, crusty bottom of what had been Buffalo Lake. I remember a day when we were cutting our sparse crops. Dad was riding the tractor, the lugs kicked up clouds of dust, and I was riding the binder, sweat and dust covering me. Grasshoppers, attracted by the salt and sweat, sat on my back and ate holes in my shirt. It was a time that left a lasting impression on a teenager.

The decision was made that I would go to high school. We rented a room (board and room, $15 a month), then began a four-year routine of someone taking me to town on Sunday afternoon and picking me up again on Friday afternoon. I felt lucky, relieved, and scared to be going to high school.

The high school years proved to be pleasant ones. Kerkhoven High was a small school in a small town, giving me a chance to play basketball (once I learned how to dribble), to pitch for the high school kitten ball team, to sing in a male quartet, to be in a couple of school operettas and a couple of class plays, and to spend exciting nights hanging out with friends.

Graduation came as a crushing blow: no more bright lights, no more hanging out with friends, no more walking a favorite girl home. It was back to the farm for me.

The rural economy was still bad, and there was no chance of going to college. I spent the next four years on the farm, all the time dreaming of far-off places and other things to do. I finally obtained a job with the Agricultural Adjustment Administration measuring the compliance of farmers on a government crop program. For that I needed transportation. My father took me to town; we bought a large, used Buick sedan for twenty-five dollars. The dealer threw in enough gas to drive the car home.

Since I’m writing about how I got into the field of sexuality, I might digress and talk about my own sex education in childhood and adolescence. I have heard that farm boys learn all they need to know by watching the farm animals. That would be a pretty crude education in human lovemaking! There were the usual things talked about by the older students in elementary school during recess, the “dirty” stories that farmhands told, and so on. But so far as formal education–I remember finding a book under my pillow which I suspect was placed there by my mother. That was the only “formal” education that I got in elementary school, high school, college, or graduate school.

Coetzee y la vida erótica

Coetzee inédito y erótico

El Premio Nobel de Literatura de 2003, J. M. Coetzee visitó el viernes pasado la Universidad de Murcia, donde adelantó una parte de su próxima obra: «Diario de un año malo», unas reflexiones lúcidas que próximamente publicará Mondadori.
8. Sobre la vida erótica
Un año antes de que muriera por su propia mano, mi amigo Gyula me habló sobre el eros tal como lo conocía en el otoño de sus días.

En su juventud en Hungría, decía Gyula, había sido un gran mujeriego. Pero a medida que envejecía, aunque permanecía tan vivamente receptivo a la belleza femenina como siempre, la necesidad de hacer el amor a las mujeres de carne y hueso disminuyó. En toda su apariencia externa se convirtió en el más casto de los hombres.

Tal aparente castidad era posible, decía, porque había dominado el arte de conducir un affaire amoroso a través de todas sus etapas, desde el encaprichamiento hasta la consumación, por completo dentro de su mente. ¿Cómo podía hacer eso? El primer paso indispensable era capturar lo que él llamaba una “viva imagen” de la amada y hacerla suya. Luego, sobre esta imagen se detenía, insuflándole aliento, hasta alcanzar un punto en el que, todavía en el reino de la imaginación, podía comenzar a hacer el amor a ese íncubo suyo y, con el tiempo, conducirla a los mayores éxtasis; y toda esta apasionada historia permanecería oculta al modelo terrenal que la había inspirado (Sin embargo, este mismo Gyula también afirmaba que ninguna mujer puede ignorar la mirada de deseo fija sobre ella, incluso en una habitación atestada de gente, incluso si no puede identificar su origen).

¿Reinciden los agresores sexuales?

Crime prediction

The jailer’s dilemma
Jun 21st 2007
From The Economist print edition

Assessing the risk of a criminal reoffending gives poor results

PAST performance is not an indicator of future returns. That, at least, is the advice given to investors. But can the likelihood of a person committing a crime be predicted by looking at his record? The answer, according to a team of clinical forensic psychologists, is that it cannot. Not only is risk prediction unreliable but, when applied to individuals rather than groups, the margins of error are so high as to render any result meaningless.

Making assumptions about individuals from group data is generally only reasonably safe when the variation within the group is small. Despite this, risk assessments are routinely used to help decide who should be locked up, who should undergo therapy and who should go free. In America such tests are used when sentencing sex offenders and killers who may receive a death sentence. In Britain the tests help psychiatrists and psychologists determine whether someone should be held under the new laws that allow someone suspected of being dangerous to be detained indefinitely. Risk prediction is also set to be used to assess the threat posed by people ranging from terrorist suspects to potential delinquents.

¿Pedófilos en prisión?

Paedophiles ‘need treatment, not prison’

Staff and agencies
Friday June 1, 2007
Guardian Unlimited

“Viewing” paedophiles should be treated in the community rather than be sent to jail, the head of the national police child protection unit said today.

Jim Gamble, head of the Child Exploitation and Online Protection Centre (CEOP), said too many people were being convicted of child sex offences to be dealt with in the criminal justice system.

He proposed that lower risk offenders, such as those convicted of downloading abusive images of children, should receive a police caution and then be managed in the community.

El DSM-IV y las parafilias

EL DSM-IV Y LAS PARAFILIAS: UN ARGUMENTO PARA SU RETIRADA

Charles Moser, Ph.D., M.D.

Instituto en Estudios Avanzados de Sexualidad Humana

San Francisco, California

Peggy J. Kleinplatz, Ph.D.

Universidad de Ottawa

Ottawa, Ontario, Canadá
Originally published in: Revista de Terapia Sexual y de Pareja, Número 19, Agosto 2.004, paginas 31-56
Resumen: El DSM-IV-TR (2000) establece sus propios estándares para la inclusión de diagnósticos y para los cambios en su texto. La sección de las parafilias se analiza desde la perspectiva de en qué medida el DSM cumple tales estándares. El concepto de parafilia como psicopatología se analizó y evaluó críticamente para determinar si cumple la definición de trastorno mental que aparece en el DSM; no lo hace. La categoría diagnóstica de parafilia fue criticada en su lógica, consistencia, claridad y en si constituye un trastorno mental diferenciado. El DSM presenta “hechos” para sostener diversos puntos del texto. Se escrutó la veracidad de tales “hechos”. Se encontró poca evidencia que los apoyara. Se resaltaron los problemas con la tradición de equiparar los intereses sexuales particulares con la psicopatoiogía. Se concluyó que la sección de las parafilias tiene fallos tan graves que se propone su retirada del DSM.

Abusos sexuales infantiles

Abusos sexuales infantiles: orígenes y contornos de un peligro Agustín Malón Marco.

Abusos sexuales infantiles: orígenes y contornos de un peligro.

Anuario de Sexología, 2004,

8. AEPS. p. 7-55.

Resumen.
En las últimas décadas hemos asistido a la emergencia de un nuevo peligro que ha transformado en gran medida nuestra consideración y tratamiento de la infancia, la sexualidad y los riesgos que enlazan ambas realidades. Dicho peligro, propio de nuestra época, ha sido construido fundamentalmente desde un discurso ideológico y pretendidamente científico cuyos orígenes y contornos es preciso rastrear. En este sentido el presente artículo cuenta con un doble objetivo. En primer lugar trata de analizar el contexto social en que situar los más recientes y destacados orígenes de este nuevo objeto de inquietud. En segundo lugar pretende señalar lo que en opinión de su autor son los principales rasgos que ha ido adoptando este fenómeno.

En el primer caso observaremos que el problema de los abusos surge en un entorno social donde diversos movimientos ideológicos, que irían desde la nueva derecha cristiana hasta el feminismo antipornografía, coincidirían en señalar la sexualidad como privilegiada fuente de peligro. En ese momento se elaboraría un irracional discurso sobre los abusos sexuales infantiles que acabaría convirtiéndose en magnífico símbolo del horror que se quería denunciar. En la segunda parte se defenderá que los promotores de este nueva amenaza, a menudo desde un discutible discurso científico, han construido el fenómeno en torno a tres ejes: la terrible verdad antes escondida, su inevitable gravedad y la dramática extensión del mismo.

Estudiando el porno

Unstable boundaries: sex, academic research and conceptions of normalcy

by Susan Ericsson

Williams, Linda, ed. Porn Studies. Durham, NC: Duke UP. 2004.

Church Gibson, Pamela, ed. More Dirty Looks: Gender, Pornography and Power. London: British Film Institute. 2004.

It seems academic tectonics may be moving once again, this time shifting around conceptions of sexuality studies. Just as women’s studies programs around the country began changing their name to gender studies in order to place emphasis on systemic and interrelated aspect of gender relations rather than focusing on a particular group (woman) and reifying notions of (wo)man as a fixed category, so too the scholarly intersections of sexuality may soon be realigning. Several recent scholarly publications are continuing the challenge of how we partition the discourses of sexuality and confront what we think of as normative and non-normative sexual practice.

One such example of realignment comes from Michael Warner in his book The Trouble with Normal (1999) where he argues that queer politics should move away from defining its borders by LGBT issues to include marginalized heterosexual practices that are similarly de-legitimated and regulated by the state, such as sex work and other forms of non-marital, non-monogamous sex. Another example is Laura Kipnis’ Against Love (2003) in which she debunks the myth of heterosexual marital monogamy through a combination of statistical and ideological proofs of sexual dissatisfaction with current socially defined ideals. Together, such works as these push at standard ways that categories of sex have been divvyed up and congealed.

Practices of consuming pornography and the understanding of such behavior are also being further reconceived. As Jane Juffer argues in the anthology More Dirty Looks,

“Pornography consumption, it would seem, is becoming a ‘normal’ practice in the US, an accepted part of home entertainment, a domestic technology” (45).

Incitación al turismo sexual

Diarios. Blog de Arcadi Espada

11 de marzo

La corrección política está dando un tipo de hombre nuevo y realmente llamativo. El perverso inverso. Su misión consiste en observar y (sobre todo) sentir como aquellos que persigue para así poderlos denunciar desde la raíz. El perverso inverso don Arturo Canalda, Defensor del Menor en la Comunidad de Madrid, acaba de denunciar (un poquito) este anuncio de Armani. “Está en el límite”, s’esgarrifa don Canalda. Lo compadezco. Las personas normales sólo vemos allí dos niñas disfrazadas de mujer, maquilladitas y pintamonas, fardando de bikini donde aún no hay nada que fardar, reproduciendo el milenario rito que practican los niños desde la caverna, es decir, adelantarse al tiempo y provocarse el estirón. No dudo que los perversos (bidireccionales) descubran allí algo que yo no veo: así es la poesía. Pero mediante la suplantación de lo real por sus fantasías personales van a acabar prohibiendo el pórex.

El fin de Alice

El fin de Alice
A. M. Homes
Trad. Jaime Zulaika. Ed. Anagrama, 277 p., 7’50 e.

 

 

 

 

Creo que fue Sólo una madre la primera novela de A.M. Homes publicada en España hace ya diez años. En ella se narraba la compleja relación entre Jody y Claire, la primera buscando la hija que perdió, la segunda buscando la madre que nunca tuvo. Y en El fin de Alice vuelve a plantearse una singular relación entre el pedófilo Chappy y su enigmática corresponsal. Chappy está en la cárcel por abuso de menores cuando comienza a recibir cartas de una mujer que también siente especial atracción por los niños. Las misivas entre ellos comienzan a desvelar los intrincados vericuetos que puede seguir el deseo, pero indudablemente el logro de la novela está en el personaje de Chappy. Se trata de un híbrido entre el atormentado Humbert Humbert de Lolita y el analítico Hannibal Lecter de El silencio de los corderos. Desde la visión de la escuela psicoanalítica se desvelarían unos resultados sorprendentes. La narración en primera persona se traduce en una humanización del narrador complicando la delimitación entre perversidad y sentimiento.

José Antonio GURPEGUI